'Post-Soviet Demographic Paradoxes: Ethnic Differences in Marriage and Fertility in Kazakhstan Essay\r'

'The goal of this research is to lotvas the non be on chemical group position supposal regarding specific stages of the family-building process for different kind of countries, but they had stop on the Middle East and key Asia. These countries has been considered by Agadjanian in 1999 years, Gore & Carlson in 2008. The hypothesis posits an interaction effect between ethnicity on the nonpareil and only(a) hand and commandment or former(a) measures of socioeconomic status on the separate hand.\r\nAnd in analogous manner they remark to the time and intensity of each stage of the productive cycle †first marriage, first birth interval, uphold birth interval and so on and lastly terminate family size. This interaction between ethnicity and tuition can appear in one or deuce of two partial forms. First, disadvantaged nonage groups deep down a troupe may exhibit introductory marriage, shorter birth intervals, and subsequent higher levels of fertility than th e absolute volume community.\r\nThis higher fertility at the â€Å"bottom” of the society has been interpreted variously as the result of block alternate opportunities, or as persistence of a separate nonage group subculture emphasizing pronatalist norms. Second, elites among such minority groups may exhibit later marriage, long-dated birth intervals, and subsequently lower levels of fertility than the majority population. This has been interpreted as status anxiety of these minority elites in the face of potential discrimination from the majority.\r\nThe minority group status hypothesis was first real with respect to race/ethnic identity within the United States but has subsequently been applied to a wide range of ethnic minorities within field of study populations in many parts of the world. With respect to primordial Asia, Agadjanian has explored this hypothesis in Kazakhstan and concluded that patterns of childbearing in that location do non fit the hypothesis well.\r\nOn the other hand, Gore and Carlson have recently demonstrate that the hypothesis describes marriage patterns of ethnic Kurds compared to the majority population in ab come out of the closetby Turkey extremely well, with some(prenominal) forms of the effect clearly identifiable. This paper uses secernate from the 1995 and 1999 Kazakh demographic and Health Surveys to examine the timing of marriage for two distinctive groups within the population of Kazakhstan.\r\nWe follow Agadjanian in combining ethnic Russians with other European groups and canvas them to the ethnic Kazakh population in the country, and as well in excluding sm some(prenominal) ethnic splinter groups from other Central Asian countries (Uzbeks, Kyrgyz, etc) from the analysis[1]. We concentrate on marriage timing in order to most well simulate the work of Gore and Carlson for Turkey, and also because Agadjanian has demonstrated that nigh alone births in Kazakhstan for these samples of women occur red within and shortly afterwardsward marriage.\r\nSince marriage thus constitutes a reliable scoring for the timing of the first step along the mode of reproduction, it makes sense to begin analysis at that point. Agadjanian (1999) has handle this issue of marriage timing in Kazakhstan in a previous article, but that analysis completed some years ago did non require blusht history analysis, and also did not specifically examine the hypothesized interaction effect between education and ethnicity[2].\r\nKazakhstan uniquely raises an unusual theoretical issue near the minority group status hypothesis, because it is not straight off obvious which of the ethnic populations in the country should be regarded as the â€Å"disadvantaged minority” in equipment casualty of expected consequences for timing of reproductive behavior. Some evidence shows that the ethnic Russian and more generally, the European ingredient of the population historically appropriated a disproportio nate character of the higher-status occupations after immigrating into Kazakhstan in response to Russian/Soviet resettlement initiatives.\r\nHowever, other research has demonstrated a concentration of ethnic Kazakhs in higher education and some other fields. Similarly, the numerical balance of these groups in the population has shifted in recent decades, and has al musical modes been near parity in terms of dominance by sheer numbers. For these reasons we do not assume at the outset which group should be regarded as the â€Å"minority” group for evaluating the hypothesis, but rather examine the a posteriori results for clues on this question.\r\nAgadjanian has proposed and utilized in several studies a useful division of the ethnic Kazakh population into two groups described as more or slight â€Å"russified” based on selection of interview row by these respondents at the time of each visual sense those who chose to be interviewed in Russian are compared to those who chose the Kazakh lyric for the survey interviews. 3] These groups spare further tests of the minority group status hypothesis, specifically for the most disadvantaged members of the population, in terms of evaluating the alternate hypotheses of blocked opportunities versus persistence of prontalist subcultures as explanations for higher fertility.\r\nAlthough the correspondence between ethnic and religious self-identification is extremely strong in these surveys nearly all Russians identify themselves as Orthodox and nearly all Kazakhs identify themselves as Moslem, regardless of language or other differences the correspondence is not perfect and we also examine religious identity as an alternative way of operationalizing ethnicity in examining the minority group status hypothesis. And at the end of my critical essay I would like to tell some interesting facts that happened in my country. The Kazakhs attach great significance to the birth and rearing of children.\r\nA Kazakh family is not considered happy without children, oddly sonsâ€the continuers of the clan. at that place are many customs duty and ceremonies associated with birth and nip and tuck of children. These customs arose from centuries of experiences and from the Kazakh worldview. Thus, they protected a pregnant muliebrity from the evil eye with the aid of amulets and did not allow her to leave the house alone at dark; weapons, wolves’ teeth, eagles’ bills, and owl talons were forbidden wherever she lived. All this was needful to protect her from impure forces. The pregnant fair sex herself had to trace a multitude of taboos.\r\nIn order not to tangle the child’s umbilical cord, for example, she could not step over the staff for raising the edible bean of the yurt (bakan) , the device for catching horses (kuruk), rope (arkan) , and many other items. She was also forbidden to eat camel meat because it was vista that, were she to do so, she would carry her c hild for twelve months, like a she-camel. Kazakhs protect pregnant women from heavy labor, especially in the later months. Kazakhs carefully guard the woman and child during the actual birth and the first twoscore daytimes thereafter, which are regarded as especially unsafe for the baby.\r\nVarious rituals are followedâ€placing the child in the rock n roll musician on the s compensateth day, for example: the fortieth day after birth is seen as especially spanking because the danger is deemed to have passed. Only women gather at this celebration. Kazakhs accustom children to work from an early age. They teach a son to ride a horse at age 3 and to tend it and other line of descent at age 5 or 6. The paring communion, strongly upheld in modern times, is conducted when a boy has reached age 3 to 10. Girls are taught to sew, embroider, and carry out other household activities.\r\nIn the past, Kazakhs believed that at age 13 to 15 they were ready for independent support and coul d have their own family; at present girls link at age 16 to 18. The brief communion at the registration office is called a AHAZH. The AHAZH also features a procession of cars decorated in ribbons, which moolah to take pictures along the way. In the city of Turkistan in southern Kazakhstan, the photos moldiness include one of the fit at the Yasawi Shrine. For many progressive families the AHAZH has almost replaced both the Neke Qiyu and the betashar.\r\nThe religious part of the Kazakh nuptials ceremony is called Neke Qiyu. The wedding process may take many weeks and even months to complete. This is because a Kazakh marriage, like marriages in most Islamic societies, involves a contract between families which requires negotiation. The Neke Qiyu is a wee portion of the whole, and usually takes about a fractional an hour to complete. The Neke Qiyu usually takes place on the even out of the day the bride is revealed to her prepare’s family.\r\nThis festive ceremony is c alledbetashar or â€Å"revealing of the face. After she shows respect to her groom’s family, the veil is lifted and the bride receives a pet from her mother-in-law[4]. The mother-in-law and so puts a white scarf on her soul to symbolize her marital status and then welcomes her into the groom’s family. After several hours a feasting, a mullah arrives. A mullah is a teacher of Islam who knows how to narrate the Quran[5]. He performs the Neke Qiyu. Even though the betashar is performed outside in the garden in the presence of many relatives and friends, the Neke Qiyu is performed internal with close relatives only.\r\nThe mullah and the jibe sit facing one another. He briefly recites some verses from the Quran and asks the couple to confess the faith of Islam. When this ceremony is done, the couple must go and register their marriage at the secern registry office, a practice introduced in the Soviet period. Among nomadic Kazakhs the small, individual family predom inated, consisting, as a rule, of a married couple, their unmarried children, and elderly parents. In accordance with custom, the oldest son was able to marry first, followed by the other sons in descending order of age.\r\nThe father parcel out livestock to the married son and in this way created a new household. According to the ancient customs of the minorat, the youngest son was not allotted a household, even after marriage. He remained the heir to the ancestral hearth. Among the seminomadic and colonized Kazakhs, there were extended families in which several closely related families lived in one household. Usually this was the family of the head of the household, as well as his married sons, and, after his ending, the families of his married brothers.\r\nAs a rule, however, after the death of the household master, the married brothers parted company. The daughters went to live with the families of their husbands after marriage. Elements of patriarchal traffic were preserved in indisputable ways, however. Married sons, even when they had their own individual households, did not break ties with the paternal household completely. Many labour-intensive tasks, such as pasturing of livestock, shearing of sheep, preparation of felt, and so on, were accomplished through the efforts of several households with close relations along paternal lines.\r\nThis was especially important in defending livestock and pastures from the encroachment of others. Such a unification of families, the basis of kinship ties, is called in the belles-lettres a â€Å"family-kin” group. In Kazakh, these groupings are called bir ata baralary (children of one father). If a family-kin group was called Koshenbaralary, for example, then their ancestor was called Koshen, and the families of this group had heads who were grandsons and great-grandsons of Koshen. Among the Kazakhs, such family-kin groups formed communities. The heads of families were considered close relatives up to the fourth or fifth generation.\r\n'